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They are the result of membership, accession with conditional membershipand of the neighbourhood policy. The latest integrationrelates to countries that dont have a prospect for the EU membership in the near future; ceai bar basingstoke speed​​ dating integration, precisely the EU relations with Eastern Partnership countries Armenia, Azerbajian, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova,and Ukraine is the topic of the article. The results of the implementation of the European neighbourhood policy since and of the regional component of the policy the European Partnership since have been very moderate.

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Thus there was a gap between the declared goals in the EU strategic and operational documents and factual achievements of this EU policy. In preparation of the revised policy, which will be finally supported by the new financial perioddifferent interests and perceptions exist among the EU members countries on what should be the new EU policy towards the neighbourhood.

The revolutionary movements in the European South - in the Northern Africa opened new challenges for the EU and put forward a need to formulate the EU responses to the new situation. Hence there is a need to elaborate in the new financial period a balanced support of both directions of the EU neighbourhood policy, among other by re-arranging the existent EU financial commitments.

The article elaborates principles on which the new policy towards the EU neighbours should be elaborated, which are first of all clarity of goals, diversity, conditionality and pragmatic approach towards particular countries. Of the specific goals the author stress the carrots that should be offered to Partners countries trade, ceai bar basingstoke speed​​ dating integration, etc. He stresses also the need for closer consultations among the Partner countries concerning the negiotiations with the EU.

Key words: European integration, European neighbourhood policy, European partnership, European neighbourhood partnership instrument, association agreements, frozen conflicts. The process of European integration could be classified by three political streams, which are intermingled and represent the geo-political reality of todays Europe: First, the European integration through the EUs membership, achieved as the result of the political, legal and socio-economic order within the EU.

Second, the European integration in the form of accession status, which is assigned to the countries of Western Balkans ex Yugoslav republics minus Slovenia plus Albaniawhich have a EU membership perspective, of course, on selective, competitive basis in the first line is Croatia. Third, the European integration in the form of EUs neighbourhood country status, which is assigned to 15 countries along the EU external terrestrial and maritime borders from Armenia to Morocco, and Russia which relations with EU are based on mutual strategic interests; these countries have no foreseen accession perspective.

This article is confined to the consideration of the last, third stream of European integration and more precisely to the European neighbourhood policy towards the six Eastern European and South Caucasus countries, which are included in the concept of the so called European partnership, i. There is a ceai bar basingstoke speed​​ dating basis for the European integration process concerning this countries. However it is to be understood that the organs of the EU could develop their activities exclusively within the authorised assignments that are given to them by the EU documents, which are the results of a common will of the Union, reached through burdensome balancing the interests of the Members States, and negotiations within the frame datând pe cineva într- un scaun cu rotile decision making processes of the EU.

The Weir și bella dating Partnership policy of is in fact a continuation of the European Neighbourhood Policy, which was launched in and remains for the time being a formal structure also of the new neighbourhood cooperation program unless it will be replaced by the new instruments Association Agreements, etc.

It features not only bilateral meetings between the EU and the country concerned, but also forums where those six and the EU can meet together, to exchange best practice, and also manage common programmes.

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Thematic platforms have been constituted to address four main areas of interest: democracy, good governance and stability; economic integration and convergence with EU sectoral policies; energy security; contacts between people.

Cross-border programmes terrestrial borders or sea crossings on the one hand, and sea basin programmes Black Sea, Baltic Sea and Mediterranean on the other hand have been created. The national action plans today comprise the main body of the ENP; about five-sixths of the policys budget is allocated to bilateral actions.

Each plan is negotiated between the European Commission and the partner state concerned, and sets out the priorities for the countrys economic and political reforms. The Association Agreements will represent an on-going strengthening of contractual relations.

These agreements provide a blue-print for reform which would bring the Eastern partners much closer to the EU. Since the launch of the Eastern Partnership the negotiations have been opened with all Eastern Partners but Belarus; the negotiations with Ukraine have been accelerated. The EU offers economic integration with its internal market. Going beyond a simple tariff dismantling, they also cover market access in services, investment, public procurement and many other sectors, choosing approximation to EU law in areas where this can lead to increased trade.

Negotiations on the first DCFTA are already 12 European neighbourhood policy and eastern partnership: achievements, obstacles and perspectives ongoing with Ukraine 3 and preparations are underway to allow for opening negotiations with Moldova,4 Georgia 5 and Armenia.

Energy products represent a large component of the latter.

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Bilateral documents with Azerbaijan7, Belarus, and Ukraine were signed, aimed to gradual alignment with EU policy in this field, Moldova and Ukraine became members and Georgia observer of the Energy Community Treaty. At the end of Action Plans were annouced for Ceai bar basingstoke speed​​ dating and the Republic of Moldova towards the establishment of visa free 3 Some achievements of the European Partnership policy for Ukraine: Association Agenda of 24 November ; good conditions were created for beginning of negotiations for DCFTA after the accession of Ukraine to the WTO in May ; inclusion of Ukraine in Energy Community 24 September ; National Indicative Programme ; Comprehensive Institution Building Programme; final phase of negotiations on Association Agreement; Visa Facilitation and Re-admission Agreements; Operational phase of dialogue on the establishment of a visa free regime as a long term sumarul bun de dating online elaboration of two phase Action Plan setting out necessary reforms ; alignment of Ukraine with almost all EU positions on external issues; developed cooperation by sectors transport, environment, justice, security and liberty ; regional development.

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Some achievements of the European Partnership policy: The EU launches in July negotiations on Association Agreements for all three Caucasian countries the similar scenario as it has been applied in the negotiations viteză dating toru 2021 Ukraine and Moldova ; Memorandum of Understanding of Comprehensive Institutional Building Program was signed in September 31 million during ; Mobility Partnership of November cooperation on all aspects of migration policy ; Visa facilitation and Re-admission Agreements 17 June Indicative ENPI for envelope Some achievements of the European Partnership policy: Association Agreement directives adopted on 10 May EU-Armenia Action Plan was approved in Some achievements of the European Partnership policy: Association Agreement directives adopted on May ; in he aligned with 56 out of CFSP directives it had been invited to join; continuation of negotiating a peaceful resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in and later; Azerbaijan benefits from the General System of Preferences Plus for the years The construction of Nabucco gas transfer from the Caspian Sea to the EU is the main project at stake; many problems of financial and other nature have been arose that put the realisatiobn of the project in the very complicated situation.

Mobility Partnerships have also been agreed with Georgia and Moldova to promote legal migration, to facilitate legitimate crossborder travel, fight irregular migration and harness the positive impact ceai bar basingstoke speed​​ dating migration for the economic development of the EUs partners. Memoranda of understanding concerning the establishment of a Comprehensive Institution Building Initiative with the aim of strengthening the administrative capacity of EU's partners to carry out reform have now been signed with all EP countries but Belarus.

Interesting achievemnts have been reached also in promoting legislative approximation and regulatory convergence mainly through TAIEX and twinningby establishing advisery missions in Armenia, Moldova and Ukraine, by implementing the common aviation area, by addressing a wide range of social policy issues, and in the field of environmental protection.

In the seven-year budget cyclethe EUs European Neighbourhood Partnership Instrument ENPIhas about 11 billion available in aid for neighbours, with twice as much money allotted to the south as to the east though on a per capita basis slightly more is spent in the east.

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There are also other EU budget lines available to neighbours, such as the Neighbourhood Investment Facility, which has S million over the seven years to be matched by funds from the EU member-states for grants to trigger extra project lending by the European Investment Bank EIB.

The actual integration process of the EP countries in the main EU political, economic and social stream has had very limited results. This fact was somehow hidden behind a graet number od paper work, bilateral meetings of different kind, and finaly by declarations, aimed to create the impression that a great progress has been achieved without membership being a goal of these endeavours.

Unfortunately, most of the goals set as part of the old Partnership and Co-operation Agreements currently still in force - and the Action Plans developed on the basis of those agreements - remain unfulfilled.

Negotiations with Kyiv have been ceai bar basingstoke speed​​ dating place for almost three years now, and no end date has been determined yet. However, after an Association Agreement is signed it must still be ratified by all member states; this procedure could take years and could be even more complex due to the growing power of anti-EU political groups in some of the EU countries. The EU has been unable to answer the question regarding the membership prospects of Eastern European and South Caucasian countries or to determine 14 European neighbourhood policy and eastern partnership: achievements, obstacles and perspectives clearly the goal which an integration not involving membership should seek.

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This gave rise to a policy of evasion, where the key strategic issues were either not mentioned or formulated in a very complicated and vague manner. This made EU policy incomprehensible to both member and partner states, and also undoubtedly had a demotivating effect on both parties. The fear of the Eastern neighbours membership aspirations also resulted in the de-Europeanization of the policy towards Eastern Europe.

Clear statements as to whether three countries from this region were part of the old continent and references to the idea of a united Europe were avoided in EU documents. This inhibited the potential provided by virtue of their European identity. In this manner the EU deprived itself of an important element potentially capable of generating political will in the integration process.

The policy of integration with Eastern European and South Caucasus countries was being implemented in conditions where the measures applied to date had been significantly restricted. First of all, the lack of membership prospects entailed both a significant reduction of financial support and an inability to make full use of the conditionality mechanisms.

However, the limitations went far beyond this issue. The EU very quickly withdrew from its initially stated readiness to share everything apart from the institutions. The documents regarding policy towards Eastern Europe provided for selective integration separate from membership.

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The scope of potential exclusions was not precisely determined. The lack of readiness to formulate a more attractive offer stemmed from an ambivalent approach, visible at the beginning and gaining in strength over recent years: while seeking to draw Eastern European countries closer to it, the EU was at the same time taking a defensive approach in an attempt to prevent opening itself up to neighbour countries. It is worth noting that the EU datând barmanii resisting precisely those areas where a move towards the EU was seen ceai bar basingstoke speed​​ dating especially beneficial by most partner states for example, the introduction of a visa-free regime, access to the agricultural market, etc.

The EU, in the context of promoting its values, was unable to resolve the dilemma of whether it should condemn authoritarian tendencies and support grassroots democratic movements or rather choose stability and economic benefits resulting from trade co-operation with Eastern European and South Caucasus governments regardless of their attitude to democracy. The inability to resolve this problem was especially evident in the case of Belarus, with regard to which the more business-oriented and pro-democracy options were chosen interchangeably, and no decisive actions were taken in either direction.

Belarus is included in the ENP but no Action plan is foreseen for her the same relates to the Belarus participation in the European Partnership. As to the support to the NGO both documents pledge to continue funding activities for their benefit outside Belarus and to channel assistance in way that does not require the consent of the authorities. The EU is ready to deepen its relationship 15 JEAN MONNET Scientific-practical conference with international participation The attempt to reconcile the priority for democratisation with the businessoriented and stabilisation goals also led to a blurring of the criteria applied as part of the diversification policy.

Initially, it was intended to provide a more generous offer to those neighbour countries which had made greater integration progress. In practice, the more advanced forms of co-operation were always offered in the first instance to Ukraine the biggest partner in the regionand relations with Azerbaijan a country rich in raw materials were much better than with Belarus, which has a similarly authoritarian regime.

The nearest apology for this is a heading called governance, but the actual projects under this heading tend for example to be about modernisation of public administration, or improvements in the judiciary, all a safe distance from core issues of political system.

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The separate instrument dedicated to democracy and human rights according to its name EIDHR has the soft option of election observation when invited as its first speciality, and it otherwise mounts a plethora of projects relating to human rights and civil society development.

Of course to mount highly political projects against the wish of an authoritarian leader is impossible, unless these are to be off-shore or covert operations.

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But this political vacuum in operations to date only underlines the extent of radical changes now due, if democracy is really to be placed high on the agenda. The EU also was unable to resolve the dilemmas linked to Russian policy, which in many areas opposed the goals and actions taken by Brussels. If this issue were raised explicitly, it would entail a confrontation with Russia, for which the EU is unprepared. At the same time, turning a blind eye to Moscows actions undermined the credibility of the EU and its policy.

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In an attempt to save face and at the same time avoid an overly costly confrontation with Russia, the EU was on the one hand sending discreet signals of dissatisfaction at the time of the Orange Revolution or the Russia-Georgia warand on the other hand was minimising ceai bar basingstoke speed​​ dating activity in potentially contentious areas for example, issues linked to separatism.

The Lysandra dating block has been trying to compensate for a deficiency of genuine integration with its Eastern neighbours by making progress in procedural and institutional areas creating Action Plans, launching negotiations regarding Association Agreements, establishing multilateral institutions as part of ceai bar basingstoke speed​​ dating Eastern Partnership, and granting Action Plans for establishing a visa-free regime to Ukraine and Moldova.

These new institutional solutions are obviously necessary for ceai bar basingstoke speed​​ dating implementation of the ENP goals in the East. However, the risk is that the Agreements and the Action Plans will become an objective per se and instead of supporting integration they will be merely imitating the process.

The dynamics of relations between the EU and Eastern Europe since makes this scenario seem with Belarus provided that the Belarusian authorities clearly demonstrate their willingness to respect democratic values and the rule of law.

Whereas accession to human rights and fundamental freedoms conventions and protocols moved forward, their implementation raises concerns, the fight against torture are insufficient, serious problems persist in many countries as regards the respect for freedom of expression, particularly in the media, freedom of association and freedom of assembly, the space for civil society actors and human rights defenders remains unduly limited, the death penalty still exists in Belarus, in many countries neither the legislative framework for elections nor their conduct comply with international standards.

Judicial independence, effectiveness and impartiality are still in most countries a matter of concern.

The reform of public administration remains one of the significant unmet challenges for partner countries. More has been achieved in the economic sphere, notably trade and regulatory approximation, than in the area of democratic governance.

All partners with Action Plans have completed ratification of the UN Convention against corruption, but corruption perception indicators shows an overall change for the worse over the period. The leaders in Belarus and Știri datând and in the Caucasus countries, too are less eager to integrate with the EU than were the Central Europeans. Membership would constrain their style of leadership, to say the least.

Furthermore, the proEuropean constituencies in some East European societies are limited.

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There are not enough people to make the case for closer ties to Europe, or to pressure governments to take the steps that would facilitate integration with the EU. Eastern Europes EP countries convergence to EU standards in political and economic terms is an enormous challenge, which requires great determination from both sides.

Meanwhile, actions taken by the EU so far prove that it does not see integration with its Eastern neighbours as an issue important enough to warrant investing significant resources in this process.

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At the same time, however, the EU in part to maintain its credibility or possibly due to political and bureaucratic inertia is unlikely to relinquish its policy of promoting its own model within its immediate neighbourhood.

A continuation of this dual strategy may lead to a pretence in which both the EU and its Eastern partners will be merely imitating integration. Both sides will in fact be playing this game without focusing on achieving the goal and without any hope of implementing it; Brussels in order to avoid an evident failure and cover up its weakness, and Eastern European countries in order to exploit this process for domestic political reasons and in relations with Russia.

The revolutions in North Africa, the approaching end of the strategic review of the European Neighbourhood Policy ENP initiated by the European Commission, 17 Scientific-practical conference with ceai bar basingstoke speed​​ dating participation and the beginning of negotiations on the European Unions new financial perspective, have intensified the debate among the ceai bar basingstoke speed​​ dating states and EU institutions on what policy the EU will adopt towards its neighbourhood in the future.

The discussion concerns not only ceai bar basingstoke speed​​ dating shape of the ENP but also non-ENPI foreign policy instruments which Brussels applies towards neighbouring countries, such as the thematic instruments and loan support. The revision started in summerwhen the European Commissioner for Enlargement and the European Neighbourhood Policy, tefan Fle, and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Catherine Ashton, asked the member states and the EU neighbours to present their visions for a more effective neighbourhood policy.